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Democrats passed laws to make voter registration and electoral rules more restrictive, with the result that political participation by most blacks and many poor whites began to decrease.

Voter turnout dropped drastically through the South as a result of such measures. In Louisiana, byblack voters were reduced to 5, on the rolls, although they comprised the majority of the state's population. Byonly blacks were registered, less than 0.

The growth of their thriving middle class was slowed. In North Carolina and other Southern states, blacks suffered from being made invisible in the political system: They effectively disappeared from political life, as they could not influence the state legislatures, and their interests were overlooked.

While public schools had been established by Reconstruction legislatures for the first time in most Southern states, those for black children were consistently underfunded compared to schools for white children, even when considered within the strained finances of the postwar South where the decreasing price of cotton kept the agricultural economy at a low.

For instance, even in cases in which Jim Crow laws did not expressly forbid black people to participate in sports or recreation, a segregated culture had become common.

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While poll taxes and literacy requirements banned many poor or illiterate Americans from voting, these stipulations frequently had loopholes that exempted European Americans from meeting the requirements.

In Oklahomafor instance, anyone qualified to vote beforeor related to someone qualified to vote before a kind of " grandfather clause "was exempted from the literacy requirement; but the only persons who had the franchise before that year were white, or European-American males. European Americans were effectively exempted from the literacy testing, whereas black Americans were effectively singled out by the law.

He appointed Southerners to his Cabinet. Some quickly began to press for segregated workplaces, although the city of Washington, D.

Is there any reason why the white women should not have only white women working across from them on the machines? How complete the union has become and how dear to all of us, how unquestioned, how benign and majestic, as state after state has been added to this, our great family of free men!

Blight notes that the "Peace Jubilee" at which Wilson presided at Gettysburg in "was a Jim Crow reunion, and white supremacy might be said to have been the silent, invisible master of ceremonies. Great Reunion of In Texasseveral towns adopted residential segregation laws between and the s.

Legal strictures called for segregated water fountains and restrooms. Native American identity was especially targeted by a system that only wanted to recognize white or colored, and the government began to question the legitimacy of some tribes because they had intermarried with African Americans.

Butlerstipulated a guarantee that everyone, regardless of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, was entitled to the same treatment in public accommodations, such as inns, public transportation, theaters, and other places of recreation. This Act had little effect. With white southern Democrats forming a solid voting bloc in Congress, due to having outsize power from keeping seats apportioned for the total population in the South although hundreds of thousands had been disenfranchisedCongress did not pass another civil rights law until The company successfully appealed for relief on the grounds it offered "separate but equal" accommodation.

Louisiana law distinguished between "white", "black" and "colored" that is, people of mixed European and African ancestry. The law had already specified that blacks could not ride with white people, but colored people could ride with whites before A group of concerned black, colored and white citizens in New Orleans formed an association dedicated to rescinding the law.

The group persuaded Homer Plessy to test it; he was a man of color who was of fair complexion and one-eighth "Negro" in ancestry. Once he had boarded the train, he informed the train conductor of his racial lineage and took a seat in the whites-only car. He was directed to leave that car and sit instead in the "coloreds only" car.

Plessy refused and was immediately arrested. They lost in Plessy v. Fergusonin which the Court ruled that "separate but equal" facilities were constitutional. The finding contributed to 58 more years of legalized discrimination against black and colored people in the United States. Despite Jim Crow's legal pretense that the races be "separate but equal" under the law, non-whites were given inferior facilities and treatment.

One rationale for the systematic exclusion of black Americans from southern public society was that it was for their own protection. An early 20th-century scholar suggested that allowing blacks to attend white schools would mean "constantly subjecting them to adverse feeling and opinion", which might lead to "a morbid race consciousness".

In President Harry S. Truman issued Executive Orderdesegregating the armed services. Board of Education of TopekaU. In its pivotal decision, the Court unanimously overturned the Plessy decision. The Supreme Court found that legally mandated de jure public school segregation was unconstitutional. The decision had far-reaching social ramifications. History has shown that problems of educating poor children are not confined to minority status, and states and cities have continued to grapple with approaches.

The court ruling did not stop de facto or residentially based school segregation. While relatively vague and mutable, the conventions of West Coast 'gangsta' rap — which included particular musical, thematic, visual, and lyrical markers — were perceived to be distinctive despite significant areas of overlap with other rap music.

Until the late s, when Los Angeles emerged as an up-and-coming center for rap music production, New York had enjoyed an exclusive claim on the genre. Two regionally based stylistic spheres began to take hold. New Yorkers still dominated rap in the northeast throughout the s, but as the decade progressed, many rap acts began to emerge from areas outside of the core neighborhoods associated with the genre's early years.

New York retained a symbolically and structurally central position, but suburbs like Long Island and nearby places like New Jersey and Philadephia began to be grouped with New York-based artists to form a cultural-industrial bloc called "the East Coast.

Hip-hop scholar Murray Forman has noted the correspondence between "the rise and impact of rappers on the West Coast" and a "discursive shift from the spatial abstractions framed within 'the ghetto' to the more localized and specific discursive construct of 'the hood' occurring in Or did they simply hitch their wagons to an emerging trend in rap? Hard 2 Hit, As Adam Krims argues, this "poetics of locality and authenticity can work through sound, visual images, words, and media images together.

On the more abstract level of musical style, the metaregions of rap are tied to regional flavors. Highly mutable and unstable, differences in musical style relate to the different cultural mix at work in various places, as well as to the efforts of empowered individuals or companies.

Rap artists and companies selling their music profited from the place-based authenticity that association with established centers of production provided.

However, the strongly felt and expressed sense of place, combined with economic or artistic competitiveness, led these blocs to become increasingly hostile towards one another — as Kelefa Sanneh writes, "the '90s saw the rise and fall of a bitter bicoastal war, which gave way to an explosion of regional styles.

For all of its novelty in the areas of vocal performance, narrative voice, and musical backing, rap was strongly tied to previous genres of African American musica fact which helped make the music accessible to Black southern audiences. In addition to sustaining an interest in and a market for "mainstream" rap produced for national audiences, inhabitants of southern cities soon began the process of creating rich musical subcultures based around locally specific interpretations of the form.

Usually oriented towards dancing, these forms were often characterized by a decreased emphasis on lyrical complexity, a prioritization of audience participation and engagement, and certain constellations of musical or lyrical devices.

Southern scenes incorporated and absorbed the changes and products of the national rap music industry, accepting or rejecting them according to their own preferences. For the most part, the development of the rap scene and production infrastructure in the South was not due to major label investment, but was rather the product of the collective although not necessarily coordinated efforts of local audiences, artists, independent record label owners, club owners, record or tape sellers, and a host of other microeconomic players whose activities are ultimately essential for the emergence of a larger collective musical culture.

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The pursuit of local musical preferences in Miami, Houston, Atlanta, New Orleans, Memphis, and Virginia Beach outpaced the majors' ability to track, exploit, and profit from these emerging markets — a lag due as much to "broader culture formations and practices that are within neither the control nor the understanding" of the major music corporations as to the limitations of technology or corporate strategy. In this sense, the majors chose an overly cautious course that resulted in a diminished share of the potential profits.

Their investment followed rap audiences inside and outside of the South, whose tastes were being shaped and supplied by the efforts of independent local entrepreneurs. When the majors did arrive on a scene, they sought to ally themselves with these local independents and harness the advantages — in the form of both infrastructural development and the cultivation of "authenticity" — that their established commercial and artistic networks provided. While these urban centers were often discursively subsumed under the rubric of "the South," in reality, the development of rap as a genre in various southern states was a highly uneven process in which certain places became hubs of the emergent industry and style, while others languished in the hinterlands of these cities.

Sheer size or the presence of a large African American population alone did not guarantee that a city would become established as a center of rap production, but these factors clearly influenced the range of possibilities in the South generally.

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Artists, producers, and record label owners in those urban centers depended upon relationships with other like-minded folks in the cities' hinterlands in order to stage concerts and sell recordings. Miami With a climate, history, and cultural mix that diverges in important ways from Atlanta, Memphis, Houston, or New Orleans, Miami exists as much within the hemispheric South as it does within the historical US South.

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Geography and demography informed cultural production from the city — as rap mogul Luther Campbell asserted, "the Cubans and the Caribbean blacks gave this city its personality. The Latin style blended with the black, Caribbean rhythm and colors. These factors encouraged an early adaptation — or even a parallel evolution — of the rap form. A distinctive local interpretation emerged out of the everyday musical culture of the city's poor neighborhoods including Liberty City"Miami's most notorious sprawling ghetto.

Referring to the s, a period "before rap. The Miami style came to be defined by relatively fast around b. The first commercial attempts to produce recordings of this local style came in the mids. In addition to Luther Campbell's various record labels, other independent record companies such as PandiscJoey Boy, and 4-Sight flourished as the popularity of Miami Bass grew in block parties and teen clubs, as well as "car races, car audio stores, clubs, skating rinks, and even strip clubs. The world of adult entertainment in the city and the emergent rap scene were highly intertwined, as shown in the film Dirty South While female rappers did not represent any less of a minority in Miami than in other places, many critics viewed the representation of women in general within Bass lyrics and album artwork as hypersexualized objectification.

One commentator who supported her argument with many songs and videos by Miami- and Atlanta-based groups observed, "there remains a thin line between sex and sexism, and what's troubling, judging from the videos, is that the women in these clips don't have any clearer a sense of the difference than the men holding the mikes. Album cover for www. Slip N Slide Records, Miami Bass flourished in the early s, and much of the groundwork for this growth was laid by Luther "Luke Skyywalker" Campbell, who made impressive strides in establishing the business infrastructure to support the genre and providing a platform for its creative development.

At its peak, Campbell's rap empire encompassed multiple record labels and various nightclubs including a 'teen club' called the Pac Jam. He came to national prominence aroundwhen efforts by Moral Majority-affiliated critics to ban the sale of his bawdy records pushed him into the unlikely role of First Amendment champion. By the time Campbell's legal troubles had wound down, Miami bass was hitting its stride. The production of Miami-style bass music quickly spread to other southeastern cities like Orlando, Jacksonville, and Atlanta.

In the early s, Miami enjoyed a brief moment in the semi-tropical sun as its early start in the rap genre placed it at the head of a group of southern scenes moving towards an intersection with mainstream markets and audiences.

A few songs by Miami-based artists, like 95 South's "Whoot, there It Is"enjoyed mainstream success, but for the most part, the city's exposure declined in the mids as Atlanta's rose. Bass and similar club-oriented dance music continued to be produced and consumed throughout the South, but the production of these records was no longer limited to Miami.

Indeed, Miami artists had to compete with increasingly prominent artists and labels from, most notably, Atlanta, New Orleans, and Houston.

By the late s, several Miami rappers, including Trick DaddyTrinaand Rick Rosshad broken through to national markets, and the Slip N Slide label distributed by Atlantic Records established itself as one of several important independent labels in the Southeast. The particular cultural mix in Miami and its geographic proximity to the Caribbean has enabled the rise of a strong presence of ' reggaeton ' music, a Spanish language form that draws upon dancehall reggae and rap.

Miami Audio Samples Warning: Some of these audio samples contain explicit content. This song by an early Miami rapper shows a playful approach that is strongly rooted in African American vernacular music traditions. The emerging Miami Bass scene is the lyrical subject of the b-side of "Throw the D.

In this excerpt, the Bronx-born rapper describes the equipment needed to produce a live Bass experience. Orlando-based producer DJ Magic Mike crafts instrumental pieces that showcase exceptionally deep and long bass tones.

Trick Daddy is one of the more recent Miami rappers to rise to national prominence. Houston Houston also had an embryonic rap scene by the mid to late s. As Atlanta-based journalist Roni Sarig notes, while the Fifth Ward was one of the city's oldest black neighborhoods, it was in South Parka newer black neighborhood that "encompasses both hard-core slums and middle-class streets" that some of the city's earliest rap music emerged.

But what made Houston into the South's early capital of rap was the founding of Rap-A-Lot Records by James Smith later known as James Prince"a young black salesman of used luxury cars," in partnership with Cliff Blodget, a white software engineer from Seattle. Smith worked on building a roster of local artists, eventually putting together a group called the Geto Boys. The group's exposure to the national market depended upon the intervention of New York-based producer Rick Rubinwho signed the Geto Boys to his Def American label and produced a hard-hitting album of sample-driven material understandably consistent with the dominant New York aesthetic to support the group's gangsta rap lyrics.

Stylistically, the album was consistent with the dominant trends in the New York- and Los Angeles-based rap mainstream. The only thing "southern" about the Geto Boys was their origin, which, in keeping with the moment, was perceived as an anomaly rather than a central feature of their ability to produce credible rap music for national audiences.

Regardless, The Geto Boys was nothing if not controversial — as one critic observed, it "was so verbally abusive that Geffen severed all ties with Def American, which never worked with Rap-A-Lot again. New York or Los Angeles. The biographies of the group's principal members speak to the lack of a unified tie to place — while both Willie D. The diminutive Bushwick Bill had family roots in Jamaica and had moved to Texas as a teen.

This incarnation of the group was described in as "the hottest music figures to come out of the Houston area since Clint Black. While its centrality in the Houston scene declined as other independents rose to prominence, "the label's rags-to-riches story continues to exert a strong influence on Houston rappers.

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Other labels and artists added to the momentum Rap-A-Lot had initiated. Their debut on local label Big Tyme Recordz caught the attention of Jive Records, who released several albums by the group, including the highly acclaimed Ridin' Dirty in UGK's sound featured slower-than-average tempos and live instrumental backing music or sampled equivalents playing bluesy grooves, a style that came to be known as "Texas funk.

Though "few listeners outside the South" heard UGK's music during their heyday, their growing reputation further elevated Houston's profile. Innovative artists and stylistic approaches continued to emerge from Houston — incritic Kelefa Sanneh claimed that the city "has been producing some of the country's best and weirdest rap since the late s" — and the local subgenre called " screw " played an important role in this process. The genre was pioneered and named after DJ Screwwhose homemade "screw tapes" presented a technological reworking of rap songs which involved playing the song at half-speed producing extra-deep bass and percussion and groaning vocals and repeating small portions of the song in a technique called "chopping.

Screw has been cast as a reflective outgrowth of this drug scene, but Sanneh finds that connections between the musical style and "the city's slow, rambling speech patterns" or "the region's thick, muggy climate" are no more compelling than the argument that screw tapes were simply the perfect entertainment for a highway-happy city where you might spend more time driving to the club than being there.

Whatever the connection between screw and the environment from which it emerged, screw has defined Houston's identity within the national rap music culture, and has formed a central part of locally-felt local rap music identity: While DJ Screw overdosed on cough syrup inthe genre has been carried forward by other local labels and producers such as Swishahouse 's Michael "" Watts.

Elements taken from or inspired by screw tapes have also formed part of the local identity of Houston artists who are working in more commercial formats.

The song ''Still Tippin','' by Mike Jones with Slim Thug and Paul Wall, featured elements drawn from or insired by the screw style and represented a breakthrough for national awareness of the Houston subgenre. Along with Lil Flip, who "got his start rhyming on DJ Screw's tapes," these artists represent the vanguard in a scene that has managed to retain its prominence in southern rap even as Memphis, New Orleans, and Miami have slowed considerably since the Dirty South heyday of the late s.

O," Rap-A-Lot Records, The Geto Boys were the first Houston group to break through to national audiences. The Geto Boys were the first group to break through to national audiences. The work of the Odd Squad embodies a soulful and less aggressive take on the Houston rap style. This Port Arthur-based duo delivers a funky ode to low-rider cars. One of Houston's top rap acts moved to the city from Memphis in the early s along with their record label.

Lil' Flip became one of Houston's newest stars in Elements from Houston's "screw" style have influenced other rap being produced there, as in this track by Michael "" Watts featuring Archie Lee. The New Orleans rap infrastructure was still largely nonexistent.

A local infrastructure began to take shape, with producers, engineers, and label owners from previous generations being joined by younger aspirants. Releases by MC Thick and Bust Down originally on local labels Alliv and Disotell were picked up by majors for national distribution in the early s. Album cover for Mind of Mystikal by Mystikal. The New Orleans rap scene incubated in concerts, nightclubs, teen clubs, house parties, and block parties throughout the city, as well as through radio play and recording sales.

It drew upon qualities already in existence, including a fractionalized urban geography of neighborhoods, housing projects, and wards that often structured business arrangements and formed an axis around which artistic and commercial competition could revolve.

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The city's highly-developed traditions of expressive culture — represented by Mardi Gras Indiansbrass bands, and " second line " parades — provide analogues to the emerging rap scene in terms of the intensity of creative engagement and the strong sense of competition driving the efforts of rival groups or factions.

In the late s and early s, the rap scene slowly expanded and took root in New Orleans. The duo hastily recorded a version of a song they had been performing at a nightclub called Ghost Town, with lyrics consisting of various phrases repeated and chanted in a rhythmic manner, backed by music taken from a recording of " Drag Rap ," a song by New York group The Show Boys. A similar release by DJ Jimi in helped establish a distinctive sound, and a vital scene coalesced around the new style of music soon christened "bounce.

Grounded in a participatory approach to performance and composition, the style that these artists helped to create relied upon a dance orientation, vocals structured by call-and-response, and lyrics featuring local references. Chanted phrases which often unfolded in basic melodic patterns formed part of the polyrhythmic layering of the music along with elements such as handclaps and highly-inflected bass drum patterns similar to those in second line parades.

Bounce dominated the New Orleans market, but the city also saw the rise of a number of artists who did not fit neatly into that category. West Coast gangsta rap acts like N. Mystikalon the Big Boy label, became one of the earliest artists from the Crescent City to break nationally, possibly due to the fact that he eschewed the bounce sound almost entirely.

His rapid-fire, animated lyrical style helped convince the established independent label Jive to sign him in Soon after Mystikal's signing, New Orleans' profile in the rap world received another boost when Master P's No Limit Records signed a lucrative deal with California-based independent Priority records.

Throughout the late s, he released a string of platinum-selling albums, earning a reputation as one of the top new rap moguls in the country. While Master P used several producers with long histories in the New Orleans scene, his engagement with local artists diminished as his success grew. His compilation Down South Hustlers: Bouncing and Swingin' the first double rap CD featured a host of prominent local New Orleans artists, but by the late s his roster had narrowed to a few members of his immediate family and the fading star Snoop Dogg.

Cash Money Records,